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This opportunity, however, depended on the development and acceptance of a programme that would be capable of acting as a standard under which the right could unite. By it was apparent that, of all the groups on the right, the Integralists offered the best hope. Therefore, they became the left's principal opponents. It is at this stage that we reach the essence of Proenca's critique.

He was very aware that Integralism posed a threat, and that its ideological and doctrinal pro- grammes were original, even if inspired by Maurras.

Moreover, he was also aware that, excluding the monarchical aspects of both Integralism and Maurrasianism, many of the charges he laid against the Integralists could also be placed at his own door—a fact that the Integralists were forced to overlook for fear of admitting their own guilt.

One finds it difficult to disagree with Antonio Costa Pinto when he comments that fin de siecle Paris was the centre of counter-re- volutionary intellectualism and, consequently, a beacon for the attention of the Eu- ropean intellectual elites who were often being harassed in their own countries.

That Paris should become a centre for the new counter-revolutionary doctrine is not surprising when one considers that this was the locale of the original revoluti- on, and that France had, for over a century, been at the forefront of political and phi- losophical developments.

Indeed, Maurras himself summed it up quite well when he stated that as it was 'through France that the Revolution had begun in the world, it would also be through France that the counter-revolution must begin. The enemy was a common enemy, and the French had a much longer experience of combating it than did the Portuguese, for whilst the liberal and constitutional ideas had been imported from France into Portugal during the course of the 19th century, its effects were only re- ally beginning to be felt with the proclamation of the Republic.

Such events had been almost a commonplace in post-Revolutionary France, with the result that the French right had had more time to hone its counter-revolutionary doctrines.

Given that post-Revolutionary France, that is to say the entire history of 19th century France resembled a laboratory for new economic, social and political ideas, it is hardly surprising that this country produced a whole raft of anti-liberal theorists, ranging from Saint-Simon, Comte, Taine and Le Play, to Proudhon, Sorel, Barres and, of course, Maurras. Looking from the outside, the young Portuguese exiles were attracted to Maurras because he was the latest in a long line of counter-revolu- tionary and anti-plutocratic theorists.

Yet, even with these credentials and these predecessors, Maurras' ideas were not adopted without question. Rather, it was the example that was embraced. More than simply repeating Maurras, the young Portuguese Integralist movement ab- sorbed his doctrines, and those of his lineage and, taking what was useful and per- tinent for the Portuguese context, they were not so blind in their devotion that they could not alter and discard the French lessons when it was appropriate to the Por- tuguese situation.

Thus, we can read Sardinha's declaration, quoted above, that Integralism sought to organise a counter-revolutionary theory through the disse- mination of Action Francaise' doctrines, in a new light — one that suggests that this doctrine was to be used as a guide to assist in the resurrection of a truly national theory, to breath new life a Portuguese form of nationalism that had fallen victim to the march of plutocratic liberalism.

Integralism accepted that it was not entirely original, but then neither was it a mere transposition of Maurrasian monarchism, as Costa Pinto quite correctly observes: [Integralismo] exprimem um movimento mais lato que nos remete para as mutac5es ideoldgicas que em finais do seculo XIX presidem ao aparecimento, em Franca, de uma nova direita nacional.

If we ac- cept that their doctrines were substantially similar, as Proenca claims, then can we also claim that the ideological explanations developed to justify these doctrinal de- mands were akin? The answer to this second question is both yes and no. Both movements could, and did, make reference to the breakdown of social values, of the steady increase in state power, which was ac- companied by and encouraged by a growth in governmental incompetence and corruption.

They both made reference to a 'golden past', a past of order and peace maintained by a strict and Divinely ordained hierarchy—of a time when each per- son knew their place and accepted it without question. Yet here the similarities be- gin to cloud, as the Portuguese integralists begin to posit a historical interpretation that makes use of the symbols, rituals and teachings of a uniquely Portuguese experience.

His major influences, however, were the 19th century Portuguese romantics, Almeida Garrett and Alexandre Her- culano. He followed their lead in his attempts to resurrect those historical figures through whom Portugal could 'reconstruct its dignified past'. He believed that France's rulers had forgotten what it was to be French, that their individualistic and economistic beliefs led them to the conclusion that the nation was a secondary concept, conditional upon economics and politics.

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This new emphasis, according to Maurras, had led to a growing and widespread sense of alienation as people were torn from their 'natural' environment and forced to compete with each other. The community, the very core of the nation, had been rent apart and its atomised elements left to fend for themselves within an alien de- mocratic framework, that 'leprous plague' brought from the Teutonic forests by the 'German barbarians' to cast down 'Goddess France'.

For the Portuguese integralists, Portu- guese society and Lusitanian morality were being corrupted by the 'French disea- se' of individualism and materialism, the offspring of , which was itself the culmination of a process that had begun in Portugal years earlier with the Descubrimentos: Cortado a meio da sua jornada hist6rica, nao pode Portugal, pela perturbacao cosmo- polita de Quinhentos, seguir a linha natural da sua formacao.

Abastardou-se a reale- za, corrompeu-se o Municfpio, as classes, de nucleos necessarios a resistencia da Na- cao, mudaram-se, com o andar dos tempos, em simples cariStides do poder.

Integralism's pro- jected vision of Portugal stressed the past over the present and the present over the future, they attempted to recreate a mythical 'golden age' that could operate in the spirit, a maneira de ser e de vex that would develop as a motivational myth driving backwards towards an idyllic society that was agrarian, communal, self-sufficient, protectionist, paternalist and nationalist.

In many respects this vision of Portugue- se society shared an ethic more akin to Proudhonian and Andalusian anarchism than to Maurrasian nationalism insofar as it was messianic and, essentially, anti-modern. Look at monar- chist and feudal Prussia, at aristocratic England'. This moral de- cline was itself the culmination of the growth of romanticism, particularly German romanticism — a system of beliefs that denied God and nature and which placed the individual above society. Luther's proclamation was more than an attack aga- inst the Church, it was an attack against Latinity.

The Reformation created confusi- on in the mind, and caused men to question their superiors—if God's Vicar can be denied, then everyone and everything can be denied, even the distinction between good and evil.

By ending certainty, free examination brought only chaos, enfeeble- ment, decadence, inertia and tyranny. For Maurras there were only two choices, it could either disappear as a great power or it could re-establish itself as a true mo- narchy 'with the King of France as the arbiter of the peace of the world'. On the question of the mo- narchy, for example, Action Frangaise followed a dogmatic line while the Integra- lists approached it pragmatically.

Maurras was uncompromising in his declared support for the House of Capet, a 'dynasty that is truly of the earth and the soil, sin- ce it rounded out our land and shaped our country,'26 'power should be entrusted to the "race of Capet.

Even better, "it is us. The novelty of the Portuguese Republic ensu- red that reaction to the Republic was one of the central elements of the Integralist philosophy in a way that opposition to Republican France could no longer be. This imbued Integralism with an immediacy that was largely absent from Action Franga- ise, allowing a leading Integralist to proclaim that which Maurras could never accept: Stewart Lloyd-Jones N6s nao professamos a legitimidade da pessoa do Rei, proclamamos a legitimidade do interesse nacional.

Numa palavra; somos nacionalistas antes de somos monarqui- cos e somos monarquicos porque s6 pela monarquia podemos servir a Nacao. Manuel II's lie- utenant, Aires de Ornelas, that the exiled King would support the monarchist struggle against the Republic. This interpretation becomes compelling when one takes into ac- count their interpretation of Sidonio's regime as a question of morality rather than one of politics. The restoration of the monarchy may have been sufficient for the good go- vernment of the nation, but, according to Sardinha, it was not a necessary conditi- on.

Thus armed, the Integralists felt able to present their Sidonista adventure as a means towards an end: 'mais do que a simples alteracao de forma do governo, e" a instauracao de toda uma nova ordem que mobiliza os integralistas. While Inte- gralism clearly sought to achieve leadership of the Portuguese right, and were pre- pared to utilise any opportunity that came their way so to do, Action Frangaise un- der Maurras preferred to maintain an aspect of intellectual superiority and separa- tion from the political battleground.

Both France and Portugal were experiencing distinct political, economic and demographic challenges during the fin-de-siecle period — challenges that had an important bearing on the subsequent development of their respective integralist nationalist movements. Whilst it is fair to state that the Portuguese integralist mo- vement borrowed heavily from Action Frangaise in terms of doctrine and ideology, it is no less clear that Integralismo Lusitano recognised that it would be unwise, even futile, to merely transplant Maurras' thoughts into the Portuguese arena without making several important adjustments to it.

Of the two movements, Action Frangaise was undoubtedly more concerned with maintaining doctrinal purity than with direct intervention in the political pro- cess. This political aloofness was to be a continuing trait of the Maurrasian move- ment that was pursued, at no small cost to the movement's effectiveness, largely through the efforts of Charles Maurras himself. Integralismo Lusitano, on the other hand, had no such qualms concerning intellectual and doctrinal purity.

The Portu- guese monarchy had only recently been overthrown, a result they argued, of the ur- ban elite's desire to create a system through which, according to Hipolito Raposo, they could 'aniquilar o Passado Where Maurras believed that the nationalist path had been laid out by a su- preme navigator and that sentiments had to be raised through a clear explanation of the failures and deceits effected by the democrats, his Portuguese counterparts could, and did, respond that in their situation there was quite simply no time for such a plan and that it was imperative to prevent the Republic from institutionali- sing itself: A crise hist6rica que o nosso pals atravessa reveste de exigSncias imperiosas o que noutras condicoes bem poderia ser apenas para a mocidade culta uma pacifica atitu- de psicokigica.

Integralismo Lusitano, as the self-proclaimed defender of the traditional way of lif e, did all it could to promote dissension and disunity between the urban and rural populations. Unlike Action Frangaise, which was effectively prevented by its leader from actively entering the political arena, Integralismo Lusitano and its fol- lowers were on the constant lookout for bandwagons that could be used to bring their message to a larger audience. Where the French movement retained its intel- lectual disdain for active politics, Integralismo Lusitano threw itself headlong into the battle.

Integralist leaders, and many of their followers, were active supporters of the short-lived Monarquia do Norte and Levantamento do Monsanto of Such opportu- nism, which would have been anathema to Maurras, was, according to the Integra- lists, essential for keeping their movement at the forefront of nationalist politics.

They could not, they believed, afford to be complacent. Similarly, following the Pact of Paris of April , Integralism's leaders did not impose a line on its followers as to which claimant they should support in the future.

Rather, Integralismo declared itself to be 'nationalist in principle, syndicalist in means, monarchist in aim', stating that it would embrace supporters of this po- licy regardless of their personal dynastic preference. Already several years past forty, he had watched his cronies — dukes and earls, all — beget heir after heir. But not the Duke of Hastings. Though his wife had managed to conceive five times in the fifteen years of their marriage, only twice had she carried to full term, and both of those infants had been stillborn.

After the fifth pregnancy, which had ended with a bloody miscarriage in the fifth month, surgeons and physicians alike had warned their graces that they absolutely must not make another attempt to have a child. She was too frail, too weak, and perhaps, they said gently, too old.

The duke was simply going to have to reconcile himself to the fact that the dukedom would pass out of the Basset family. But the duchess, God bless her, knew her role in life, and after a six-month recuperative period, she opened the connecting door between their bedrooms, and the duke once again commenced his quest for a son.

Five months later, the duchess informed the duke that she had conceived. The duke was taking no chances this time. He would have a son, and the dukedom would remain in Basset hands.

The duchess experienced pains a month early, and pillows were tucked under her hips. Gravity might keep the babe inside, Dr. Stubbs explained. The duke thought that a sound argument, and, when the doctor had retired for the evening, placed yet another pillow under his wife, raising her to a twenty degree angle.

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She remained that way for a month. And then finally, the moment of truth arrived. The household prayed for the duke, who so wanted an heir, and a few remembered to pray for the duchess, who had grown thin and frail even as her belly had grown round and wide. They tried not to be too hopeful — after all, the duchess had already delivered and buried two babes.

And even if she did manage to safely deliver a child, it could be, well, a girl. The head appeared, then the shoulders. And then the duke knew that there was a God, and He smiled on the Bassets.

He allowed the midwife one minute to clean the babe, then took the little boy into his arms and marched into the great hall to show him off. You are a Basset. You are mine. The duke wanted to take the boy outside to prove to everyone that he had finally sired a healthy male child, but there was a slight chill in the early April air, so he allowed the midwife to take the babe back to his mother.

The duke mounted one of his prized geldings and rode off to celebrate, shouting his good fortune to all who would listen.

Meanwhile, the duchess, who had been bleeding steadily since the birth, slipped into unconsciousness, and then finally just slipped away. The duke mourned for his wife. He truly did. He arranged for fresh flowers to be laid at the base of her funereal monument every week, no matter the season, and her portrait was moved from the sitting room to the hall, in a position of great honor over the staircase.

A pony had been purchased, a small gun had been selected for future use at the fox hunt, and tutors were engaged in every subject known to man.

He was a sturdy, healthy young boy, with glossy brown hair and clear blue eyes. Nurse nodded. She always nodded when the duke talked about the superiority of the Basset blood.

Hastings whipped around to face her. Maybe what he needs is a good dose of discipline. A good paddling might help him find his voice. Nurse gasped. The duke dropped the brush.

Hastings sank onto the window seat. I should have let the title go to my cousin. And with that, the duke stalked out of the room. Nurse Hopkins hugged the boy close.

Nurse Hopkins proved true to her word. He still ran into trouble when he was upset, and Nurse had to remind him often that he needed to remain calm and collected if he wanted to get the words out in one piece.

But Simon was determined, and Simon was smart, and perhaps most importantly, he was damned stubborn. He learned to take breaths before each sentence, and to think about his words before he attempted to say them. Nurse looked up sharply. The duke had not laid eyes on the boy in seven years.

The trip took much of the day, and it was late afternoon by the time their carriage rolled up to Basset House. Simon gazed at the busy London streetscape with wonder as Nurse Hopkins led him up the steps. The door swung open within seconds, and they found themselves being looked down upon by a rather imposing butler. The butler examined Simon, recognized immediately that he had the look of the Bassets, and ushered them in.

He was most likely to stutter when he was angry. The last I heard, he said he had no son. He looked quite pained as he said it, so no one pursued the conversation.

Simon felt his jaw clench, felt his throat working wildly. How could you have assumed the boy was dead if his father were not in mourning?

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The butler shrugged. Simon said nothing. He was trying too hard to get his emotions under control. He had to. The butler nodded. Nurse started pacing wildly, muttering under her breath and referring to his grace with every vile word in her vocabulary.

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Simon remained in the center of the room, his arms angry sticks at his side as he took deep breaths. You can do this, he shouted in his mind.

You can do this. Nurse turned to him, saw him trying to control his temper and immediately gasped. And make sure to think before you speak. Nurse Hopkins straightened and turned slowly around.

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She tried to think of something respectful to say. She tried to think of anything that would smooth over this awful situation. But when she looked at the duke, she saw Simon in him, and her rage began anew. The duke might look just like his son, but he was certainly no father to him. Simon nodded curtly. Not when he was this upset. Normally, he could go days without a stutter, but now…. The duke smiled cruelly.

What do you have to say? And somehow her encouraging tone made it all the worse. Simon had come here to prove himself to his father, and now his nurse was treating him like a baby. Father and son stared at each other for what felt like an eternity, until finally the duke swore and stalked toward the door.

Simon took three long breaths in through his nose, his mouth still clamped together in anger. He forced his jaw to relax and rubbed his tongue against the roof of his mouth, trying to remind himself of how it felt to speak properly. Not much of it, but there was something there, lurking in the depths; something that gave Simon a whisper of hope.

And as hatred flooded his body and poured from his eyes, he made a solemn vow. The Bridgertons are by far the most prolific family in the upper echelons of society. Such industriousness on the part of the viscountess and the late viscount is commendable, although one can find only banality in their choice of names for their children.

Anthony, Benedict, Colin, Daphne, Eloise, Francesca, Gregory, and Hyacinth — orderliness is, of course, beneficial in all things, but one would think that intelligent parents would be able to keep their children straight without needing to alphabetize their names. Furthermore, the sight of the viscountess and all eight of her children in one room is enough to make one fear one is seeing double — or triple — or worse.

Never has This Author seen a collection of siblings so ludicrously alike in their physical regard. Although this Author has never taken the time to record eye color, all eight possess similar bone structure and the same thick, chestnut hair. One must pity the viscountess as she seeks advantageous marriages for her brood that she did not produce a single child of more fashionable coloring.

Still, there are advantages to a family of such consistent looks — there can be no doubt that all eight are of legitimate parentage. Daphne eyed the ball of paper, which now rested under a mahogany end table.

Daphne calmly set down her embroidery and reached under the end table. She smoothed the sheet of paper out on her lap and read the paragraph about her family. Blinking, she looked up. Daphne forced herself to exhale. But was it really too much to hope for a husband for whom one had at least some affection?

There were a number of men she thought might make reasonably good husbands, but the problem was — none of them was interested. Oh, they all liked her. Everyone liked her. Everyone thought she was funny and kind and a quick wit, and no one thought her the least bit unattractive, but at the same time, no one was dazzled by her beauty, stunned into speechlessness by her presence, or moved to write poetry in her honor.

No one seemed inclined to court someone like her. They all adored her, or so they said, because she was so easy to talk to, and she always seemed to understand how a man felt.This had an ultimately debilitating effect on Action Frangaise''s ability directly to affect the political situation in France during the s and led, albeit indirectly, to a proli- feration of heterogeneous right wing mini-movements that were distinguished more by the personal differences between their respective leaders than by any cle- arly obvious ideological goals.

Just sayin'. And of course Lady Danbury is right there in the thick of it. One finds it difficult to disagree with Antonio Costa Pinto when he comments that fin de siecle Paris was the centre of counter-re- volutionary intellectualism and, consequently, a beacon for the attention of the Eu- ropean intellectual elites who were often being harassed in their own countries.

Clinical criteria included any person with maculopapular rash, or fever and any of the following three symptoms: cough, coryza, conjunctivitis. Simon allowed himself a smile as he remembered both the incident and their subsequent conversation about it.

In order to do this, he believed, Frenchmen had to take control of their own destinies once more.

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