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Subsequently, these BG levels decreased to the clamp target again Figure 3 B. Because of the feedback mechanism of the clamp, GIR was 0 during the time these deviations in BG occurred in the individual profiles. For IDeg, variability across all intervals remained low and stable. The frequency of adverse events was similar in the IDeg No serious adverse events occurred in either group. No events of severe hypoglycaemia were reported. With evening injections this distribution might be disadvantageous because insulin needs in people with T1D are often higher in these time periods 12 than at other times of the day.

Thus, under these circumstances, a dose of 0. Similar results were observed when all randomized participants were included in the analysis Figure S1 , Supporting Information. Both, the variance ratio and CV are estimates of pharmacodynamic variability; however, we have used the former as the prespecified primary endpoint in this study as the variances do not need any further transformation.

Nevertheless, because of its mechanism of protraction ie, the formation of microprecipitates IGlar has the inherent predisposition to pharmacodynamic variability.

We also precluded any potential residual effects of endogenous insulin secretion by performing the study in patients with T1D, who were selected using stringent inclusion criteria to represent a homogeneous population required for clamp studies. Semiotically, the discussed advertisements reflect the understanding of the white wedding as occasion to perform a certain classed identity: the luscious white dresses, the tuxedos, the jewellery and make up, etc. This is also emphasised by the mentioning of the prestigious jobs these brides hold, which presents a postfeminist twist on the otherwise common depictions of brides as practising hypergamy, meaning the marrying of a spouse of higher socio-economic status.

But significantly, upward social mobility is usually presented as only acceptable for women, reinforcing the image of the husband as the provider. These advertisements illustrate quite palpably that the postfeminist bride is a complex figure. It is simultaneously progressive and conservative, fulfilling ideals of conservative femininity while actively negotiating in the complex field of personal choice, individualism and social conventions; it oscillates between power and passivity, tradition and modern womanhood, between feminism and femininity.

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It is precisely this contradictory nature of the postfeminist bride that makes the figure so appealing, as it allows women to participate in the fantasy world of bridal utopias while still providing possibilities to construct themselves as active and powerful agents.

In these ways postfeminism deflects feminist criticism with regard to the political dimensions of marital femininity and thus contributes to the production of marital hegemony. But why is marital hegemony per se problematic? Hence, by positioning marriage and singledom as opposite poles on the axis of proper femininity, bridal fictions stigmatise single women as selfish, narcissistic, hedonistic, immature and unable to attract a suitable husband Taylor 20, These postfeminist exclusions are very evident in contemporary bridal fictions that feature almost exclusively young to middle-aged, white, able-bodied couples with upper to middle class identities that conform to the heteronormative matrix, both physically and socially.

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By depicting weddings almost exclusively in this kind of raced, classed and gendered framework, bridal fictions associate the above mentioned values, that are seen as markers for responsible adulthood and citizenship, with those who comply with these norms.

In these ways bridal fictions stigmatise those who are not able or do not want to get married, and, moreover, produce a visual regime that determines who is seen as entitled to this kind of socially validated identity. The fact that bridal fictions indeed play a major role in producing marital hegemony is further reflected in the increasing presence of same-sex white weddings in popular culture. These representations, despite their message of equality for everyone, usually replicate rather than re-negotiate the heteronormative terms of bridal culture.

References Bambacas, Christyana. The Bachelor, ABC, —present. Boden, Sharon. Consumerism, Romance and the Wedding Experience. Houndsmills: Palgrave Macmillan, Bridezillas, We TV, —present.

Cherlin, Andrew. New York: Vintage, Coontz, Stephanie. A History. New York: Penguin, Currie, Dawn. Engstrom, Erika.

The Bride Factory. Mass Portrayals of Women and Weddings. New York: Peter Lang, Fairchild Bridal Study 27 May Finlay, Sara-Jane, and Victoria Clarke.

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Foucault, M. Friedan, Betty. The Feminine Mystique. Ringwood: Penguin Books, Geller, Jaqlyn. Here Comes the Bride. Women, Weddings, and the Marriage Mystique. Postfemininities in Popular Culture.

New York: Palgrave, Cultural Texts and Theories. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, Gill, Rosalind. Elements of a Sensibility. Google has now taken care of the matter itself.

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Otnes, Cele, and Elizabeth Pleck.

These self-interests are adopted by the greater majority of people, who apprehend them as natural or universal standards of value common sense. Cherlin, Andrew. Lewis, Jeff. Symbolic legitimation works through the depiction of the white wedding as the occasion on which entering the institution of marriage is publicly celebrated and marital identity is socially validated.

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I argue here that the idea of marriage as the ideal form for an intimate relationship permeates US-American culture to an extent that we can speak of a marital hegemony.

Bridal fictions indeed produce traditional femininity by positioning the cultural, social and historical significance of the wedding as a necessary rite of passage for women and as the most important framework for the constitution of their hetero sexual, classed and gendered identities.

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