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ALVORADA DOS ASPECTOS PDF

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Stadtpräfektin, Iolanda Holiceni Moreira dos Santos (–). Partei · (PSDB ). Wirtschaft. BIP, Tsd. R$ R$ pro Kopf (). HDI, 0, (). Alvorada do Norte, amtlich portugiesisch Município de Alvorada do Norte, ist eine Kleinstadt im Alvorada do Norte: Aspectos Políticos. Abgerufen am Para verificação dos aspectos socioeconômicos e das práticas cotidianas que . Maio (21, ha and 68, tons) and Alvorada do Sul. (19, ha and http:// myavr.info PARANÁ. Este artigo é resultado de uma investigação acerca dos significados do dinheiro do A partir de casos etnográficos, destacamos os aspectos centrais atinentes a esta . The municipality of Alvorada is located around one hour drive from downtown Porto Available at: myavr.info pdf.

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While she deployed it in order to make sure that her children would stay in school and meet the program"s conditionalities, thus allowing her to keep working as a house cleaner, he acquired a new horse in order to keep working as a collector of recyclables. The difference lay however in the legitimacy attributed to that spending.

The relevance of different "poverty" trajectories should also be taken into account. Even though most of our interlocutors grew up and lived much of their lives under dire socio-economic conditions, as was indeed the case with most PBF beneficiaries, there were some exceptions. Maria Rosa, for instance, "had been" poor for around 13 years. Although she lived in a middle-class neighborhood in Porto Alegre, and had "everything she needs at home", she had to manage her scarce resources very carefully.

The apartment where she lived with her daughter had two bedrooms, kitchen, bathroom, and a large living room.

The furniture was a relic of the "good times", and was kept intact because most items were untouched or protected with a plastic cover. Maria Rosa had discount on her light and telephone bills, but in order to save further she used to keep the lights off some of the rooms didn"t even have light bulbs and only used the telephone for receiving calls. Her daughter attended public school, in accordance with the family"s "reality".

Her efforts to save went beyond the light and telephone bills: She also showed concerns about the gas stove, only cooking what was strictly necessary and privileging foods that could be eaten raw. According to her calculations, during the winter it was cheaper to heat their bath water on the stove than using the electric shower.

Commenting on the fact that they only wore second-hand clothes, Maria Rosa conceded, "there are those who care, who think it"s bad [laughter]. We don"t mind. I don"t buy anything, not even panties. It"s all second-hand. What else can I do? And she completed, "at least we have a lot of stuff, a lot of clothes, underwear, socks… some people are worse off than us! We cannot complain".

Her daughter Gabriela"s school materials were also donations.

Whenever she gained notebooks, Maria Rosa ripped off the used sheets so that the girl could use the rest of it - as she put it, "we keep on recycling". When we talked about the discomfort her daughter experienced at school - according to her, due to the evident economic disparity between her and the other students -, she remarked that the girl was laughed at "because of her panties".

Showing her hands, she explained that she painted her fingernails at home. Similarly, she removed her body hair using tweezers, and Gabriela began to do the same in order to placate the bullying at school. Just like other beneficiaries, Maria Rosa believed that the benefit should be directed to her daughter, but she still imposed further restrictions on the way it was spent: I think it should be specifically for her, but in order to buy food, not superficialities".

Yet, in all cases, the way the money was spent was justified based on "needs" - although the very notion of what was "necessary" seemed to have been broadened by the introduction of the PBF money into the household economy of low-income families. Effectively, the moral configuration assembled around the PBF money may vary according to other ways of organizing and adjusting, for instance, within domestic nuclei and in the compositions and interactions that take place within the broader social protection network.

Similarly, the trajectory of "poor" beneficiaries significantly refracted the understandings and attributions addressing that kind of money. Families whose social and economic conditions have undergone positive changes allow themselves the privilege of acquiring goods and consuming items that did not figure among their previous priorities. On the other hand, the beneficiary who had been "rich", who once had "all that is good and better", came to regard the PBF money as a possibility for maintaining at least her basic dignity once she became "poor".

As we understood it, this attitude is revealing less of the benefit"s purchasing power than of the fact that it protected the beneficiary from exposure to the job market and the kind of judgment that she would likely face.

To save, "prioritize", acquire "only what"s strictly necessary" were not exclusive to Maria Rosa. The difference is that most beneficiary families found a way of extending the domain of the "necessary": These privileges, which belonged to a few, became ordinary after the PBF.

In other words, once it became accessible, what used to be "superfluous" became "necessary". It is precisely the perspective of having a "guaranteed" income at the end of each month that opens up, for some beneficiaries, new possibilities not only in terms of consumption but of work and production in spite of a persistent fear of "losing the grant" - which stems not only from a view of it as not being a right, but also from the difficulties that most people face when trying to making sense of the program"s bureaucratic intricacies.

Exemplary of this claim was the beneficiary who offered the full grant as payment for her two daughters" care, therefore making viable her regular participation in the job market. By reformulating and consolidating in the PBF the various cash-transfer programs that channeled resources to the poor, the Brazilian government implemented a bold strategy. Not only did it increase spending and the number of beneficiaries - it also monetized the benefits.

To deliver money on the hands of the poor seemed too risky. If this were no more than a clientelistic strategy, it would have made more sense to maintain gifts associated with goods; the classic sociological literature tends, after all, to emphasize the impersonal character of money. The personal character of transactions, it is worth recalling, is one of the key elements in economies based on conventional gift giving. The Lula government"s public relations did succeed however in associating the PBF with that particular administration, by rendering ineffective the opposition"s attempts at highlighting the fact that most CCTPs existed previously to, and were in fact the embryo of, the PBF.

Yet, the visible commotion around the program in the conservative media, where Brazilian society"s most elitist segments express their opinions, reveals class prejudices and stereotypes that transcend national borders. The conviction that the poor are incapable of managing their own lives, not the least managing cash, is so widespread as rendering meaningless any effort at retracing its spatial or temporal socio-genesis.

Given that money is a universal mediator, and therefore easily reconverted, the beneficiaries" room for maneuver is relatively broad, as the ethnographic instances brought here illustrated. Even though the benefit value lags behind the dire needs of families living below the poverty line, significant room for maneuver was found in how they accessed and effectively deployed the program"s cash benefit. This is unsettling for many, and those who do not admit the possibility of granting them that kind of freedom have always criticized the PBF.

The ethnography showed however that not many beneficiaries view the PBF from a public policy perspective, nor the money they receive as constituting a right. The notion of aid - even if from the government - is still pervasive among them, but it is even more so among the program"s critics. For the neoliberal imaginary, public policies are often regarded with suspicion, and the fact that a benefit granted by the state may be used with some degree of freedom sounds like an aberration.

These are mediators of a specific kind, engendered by the program itself. As remarked in the introduction, during the transformation of the early Brazilian cash-transfer programs into the PBF there was explicit concern with reducing bureaucratic and political mediations. Why, then, we resume this issue in order to conclude in an apparently opposite direction, suggesting that the PBF has multiple and specific kinds of mediators?

Firstly, the PBF provides cash; not a lot, but still, cash. As is well known, money is an important mediator in our society. If a woman - and here it is necessary to decline the gender, since it is one of the PBF"s chief characteristics - receives a stamp for milk or gas, her leeway for making further mediations based on these goods is much smaller than if she had received the equivalent in cash. Edna handed over the PBF money to the school so that her daughters would be taken care of while she worked as a cleaner and thus enhanced her income.

Secondly, by offering cash, the PBF strays from conventional welfare programs for the poor towards labor protection policies, such as those that secure minimal income regardless of whether the subject is employed minimal wage or not unemployment insurance, retirement, pensions, and so forth.

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The PBF delivers money to people who are not regular, formal workers - which does not mean they do not work. This is a controversial point, and thus the need for discursive mediations. To grant an elder, a widow or a handicapped a government pension seems less liable to justification than money received through the PBF, even if these funds come from the same source.

This unevenness stems largely from views regarding the moral value of work in society at large. The PBF touches that nerve, by establishing a triangular relationship between extreme poverty, money, and conditionalities.

Once again, money appears as a mediator, for which poverty is the front door and conditionalities are the living room. There is no exit door, however, and indeed the PBF has not been conceived from this perspective. Most important for our argument is the fact that the conditions for staying in the program are associated less with the conventional meaning of work than with compliance with conditionalities that are part of women"s responsibilities: Thus, there are extreme cases such as that of Cigana, where the precariousness of living conditions among which, poverty is such that provides little room for maneuver.

In others cases, it is possible for women to use the PBF as leverage in their management of tasks that are socially considered to be their responsibility: In certain circumstances, it is even possible to become financially independent from their partners. As is well known, the program prioritizes women as cardholders, on the grounds that they are more apt at managing the domestic economy.

It correspondingly tends to consider women as being more "vulnerable", since they face more obstacles for entering the formal job market, and normally keep the children in case of divorce. If, on the one hand, the PBF is generous to women, on the other it reaffirms certain attributions and stereotypes. Our female interlocutors understood this well, and played with that possibility either in order to access the benefit more easily, or in order to gain the opportunity to manage a kind of income that lies outside of their partners" reach.

Men, on their turn, seemed to understand and feel the weight of moral reproach, since to receive the PBF is to acknowledge failure to provide for one"s family - thus their feeling of dishonor and uneasiness before the social workers. The ethnographic account presented here aimed at showing, moreover, that management of the PBF benefit is not random.

It was not our concern whether the money was applied or not according to the program"s guidelines - a question that has been the object of curiosity both within and without academia. Rather, what moved us was a typically anthropological interest on the meanings of this kind of money, and how they were constructed through the articulation of different worlds.

The "poor" definitely do not spend their money on the first thing they see - or, better said, even if they do, they do so through the mediation of symbolic lenses shaped by moral values that are being constantly tensioned. Not all spend that money appropriately, according to the PBF beneficiaries" own views, but all have a precise idea of how they should proceed, and even of the leverage for negotiation that is available to them.

What seems certain is that this is a special kind of money. It is marked since its origin: It is everywhere identified as money for women and children, and it is in relation to them that its deployment is publicly judged and labeled as "good" or "bad". During fieldwork, two points about the PBF became evident. First, it was a topic that caused uneasiness. People avoided talking about it, and, whenever they did, they were quite cautious.

When asked about their knowledge of "misuse" a common topic for gossiping , everyone would remember one case or another, sometimes elaborating on what exactly would this inadequate use be.

But the person being talked about would never be part of the speaker"s relations - when inquired further, the latter would just say that "they live down there", "right there", waving vaguely towards the lengthy road, thus making it difficult to double-check that kind of information.

There are two possibilities in this respect: Although the first possibility cannot be ruled out, we are led to believe that in general the PBF money ends up being conflated with other income as well as non-monetary resources coming from elsewhere.

This means that the moral surveillance over expenses is not directed exclusively at the PBF benefit, but targets the ensemble of the beneficiaries" earnings and expenses, including their behavior. In terms of the ideas that were discursively manifested, what "must not" be done with the PBF money seemed well established: All these items were considered inappropriate, and even though people living in the neighborhood arguably purchased them, these individuals were never identified.

There is however one way of spending the Family Grant cash that, even though not regarded as the most appropriate by the families, was common among them. Different from the abovementioned items, this was not expressed as something that "must not" be done; it was, rather, something to be avoided but which, depending on the family"s situation, may be done.

As the women declared, they and some of the men believed that the PBF cash was "for the children", and must be spent "on them" and "on their behalf". If the program"s income was deployed for covering bills from the family at large, such as gas, food that is, the "bulk", or basic staples , medicine, water, light, rent, etc. It is important to remark that these statements were heard in contexts where the beneficiaries were being asked about what they considered to be appropriate ways of spending the PBF benefit.

When inquired about what they actually made of it, however, they would normally mention the following items: These items were mentioned by both the female beneficiaries and by the social workers, when asked about it. In other words, the beneficiaries knew exactly what was expected from them when spending the PBF money, even if the program itself did not specify it.

Fieldwork at Ilha da Pintada Porto Alegre lent further credence to this hypothesis, especially since that locality enjoyed more and better public services than Alvorada. In the Ilha, there were less agents from other non-governmental agencies taking part in program implementation and the "monitoring" of beneficiaries - their intervention in the life of beneficiary families being therefore less forceful and frequent.

When asked about what they considered to be appropriate and inappropriate uses of the PBF money, the Ilha residents" answers did not stray significantly from those found in Alvorada, especially with respect to the importance of children.

It was there that, for the first time, we heard a PBF beneficiary affirm that she used the benefit for leisure, "brand" clothes, and even in order to "save a little".

It is curious however that all these answers were still associated with the children.

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The main difference was in the fact that, for the beneficiaries from Alvorada, the money was "for the children" that is, it catered to their needs , while for those in Ilha da Pintada, the money was "of the children", or directed to them as a kind of "reward" for appropriately complying with the program"s conditionalities.

When asked however about what they effectively did with that benefit throughout the month, answers varied. It was used, for instance, to "take the children to the movies" when "they carried out the task of attending school" that month - or yet, "he [the son] knows that the [BF] money is his, and when payday comes he knows that he can ask for an item of clothing or pair of shoes because I am obligated to buy it for him".

Some have also declared to have no "guts" to spend the money on themselves, because it belonged "to the children". Although it dispenses with intermediaries between the cash and its final recipient, the BF grant - understood in this account as money of a "special kind" - requires the presence of agents from various modalities and spheres of intervention.

Likewise, beyond the meanings it acquires during the establishment of program guidelines, that money is continuously re-signified during its journey to the homes of beneficiary families, as it enters the complex process of implementation. There, it receives new meanings and hues that flow from domestic configurations and from expectations and moral ideas concerning family and gender relations. From this assemblage of relations, different moral configurations emerge which coexist and intersect with each other, thus inviting for an analysis in terms of a "moral economy" which nourishes and mobilizes emotions, values, norms, and obligations that transcend the domain of the Family Grant Program itself.

Claiming the right to pharmaceuticals in Brazilian courts". American Ethnologist, 40 3: Cartas ao presidente Lula: Rio de Janeiro: Pensamento Brasileiro. Available at: La force de l"ordre - une anthropologie de la police des quartiers. Acesso em 2 de agosto de HART, Keith. Anthropology Today, Buenos Aires. Consultado em 04 de abril de Targeted cash transfer programmes in Brazil: IPC Working Paper n. Cidade e conflito: Editora da UFF. A perspectiva brasileira sobre a pobreza: Last accessed, January 11, Estudos de Antropologia Social, 12 2: Las sospechas del dinero - moral y economia em la vida popular.

Princeton University Press. Celta Editora. The social meaning of money. New York: Basic Books.

Acesso em 01 de agosto de She has worked on the following topics: He has carried out research in the fields of Anthropology of Sports, Anthropology of Politics and the Economy. The World Bank considers those who survive with less than one dollar per day as indigents. As Cohen Based on recommendations by friends and acquaintances, we ended up at Ilha da Pintada, in Porto Alegre.

In this case, the aim was not to follow the social protection network as it was done in Alvorada, but to talk to families living in a different municipality - and therefore, immersed in other social configurations and relations - in order to probe into diverse understandings on the PBF cash, or, conversely, to corroborate the discourses gathered in Alvorada.

Last accessed, August 02, Last accessed, April 4, They supported the publication of books reconstructing the municipality"s history based on oral accounts, doubled the number of local newspapers, online community radio stations, and so forth.Turmalina Verde Being A woman is being a mother, friend, partner But they are not passive implementers of the moral values and expectations implicated in the program.

Such data suggest that the women deprived of liberty are mostly women in productive and reproductive age with low levels of education and hold low pay jobs. Cidade e conflito: Daniele stood up abruptly and ran towards the door to embrace her. A typical example of this happens in Studies of Brazilian ethnoichthyologist pioneers have developing fisheries, where an accumulated stock gener- already shown that fishermen possess knowledge and ates growing yields in response to increases in fishing carryout practices related to the structure and function of effort e.

Methods: This was a descriptive, exploratory study, a qualitative-quantitative approach, which worked with 34 women in the prison system in Montes Claros and Pirapora, Minas Gerais, Brazil.

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